Tri godine prije pada Srebrenice, “samo te 1992. godine je preko 3.500 Bošnjaka poginulo u srednjem Podrinju.” – Naser Orić

Odgovornost Srbije je nesporna, smatra Orić

Anadolija — Ratni komandant Armije BiH u Srebrenici Naser Orić zatečen je jučerašnjom presudom Sudskog vijeća Haškog tribunala prema kojoj nema dovoljno dokaza da su srpske, agresorske, snage pod vodstvom Radovana Karadžića izvršile genocid u općinama Bratunac, Foča, Ključ, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica i Zvornik.

No, bez obzira na odluku Sudskog vijeća kojim predsjedava sudija O-Gon Kvon, Orić, ipak, vjeruje u Haški tribunal, pravičnost suđenja, te da će se, na kraju, greške biti ispravljene. Vjeruje kako je moguće da su po srijedi “poseban plan i strategije”. U svakom slučaju, na kraju, očekuje ispravnu i zakonitu odluku u slučaju Radovana Karadžića. Jer, sve sudije moraju braniti pravičnost Haškog tribunala.

Kada je u pitanju genocid u drugim bh. gradovima, osim Srebrenice, tvrdi da se on nesporno dogodio.

“Za pravnike i sudije nema nikakvih dilema da je počinjen genocid i u drugim bh. gradovima, posebno onim u Podrinju. Samo je stvar političke prirode da li to neko želi da prizna ili ne. A to je druga stvar. S pravne strane gledajući, nema se tu šta pričati”, kazao je Orić za agenciju Anadolija (AA).

Važno je znati, napominje on, da je izvršenje genocida bio dugotrajan proces.

“Genocid nije učinjen samo 1995. godine u Srebrenici. Genocid je trajao od 1992. godine. Samo te 1992. godine je preko 3.500 Bošnjaka poginulo u srednjem Podrinju. U osnovnoj školi “Vuk Karadžić” u Bratuncu je, recimo, ubijeno 60 ljudi, oko 70 ljudi je ubijeno u Glogovoj kod Bratunca. Donesene su presude u predmetu Miroslava Deronjića, gdje je on priznao te zločine. To su pokazatelji da se usporeni genocid odvijao od 1992. do 1995. godine kada je genocid eskalirao u Srebrenici”, objašnjava Orić.

Upitan da prokomentira stavove kako je posljednja odluka Haškog tribunala rezultat nastojanja međunarodne zajednice da izađe u susret Srbiji, čija bi odgovornost, presuđivanjem Karadžića za genocid, bila neupitna, Orić kaže:

“Što se tiče odgovornosti Srbije za genocid, prije ili kasnije će se potvrditi da je ona učestvovala u tome. Kroz razne presude Haškog tribunala i presude sudova na nižim razinama, to je već očigledno. Drugo, ko je potpisao Dejtonski sporazum? Nije potpisao predsjednik Republike Srpske, već predsjednik Srbije. To je osnovno pitanje. Neka mi neko odgovori zašto je to uradio predsjednik tadašnje SR Jugoslavije Slobodan Milošević, ako Srbija nije imala veze sa s agresijom na BiH”, ističe Orić za AA.

Sa Bošnjacima Podrinja je, kako veli, bio i bit će do kraja svog života.

“No, u svemu ovome ima grešaka koje su i do nas. Indolentnim ponašanjem prema svemu što se tamo desilo, ne možemo očekivati ništa bolje. Ne možemo očekivati da nam drugi rješavaju pitanja ako se sami ne uhvatimo u koštac s njima”, stava je Orić.

Pretresno vijeće Haškog tribunala djelomično je jučer prihvatilo Karadžićev zahtjev po pravilu 98 bis i donijelo oslobađajuću presudu po tački 1. optužnice, koja je bivšeg predsjednika Republike Srpske teretila za genocid u sedam bosanskohercegovačkih općina.

Drugi zahtjevi optuženog su odbijeni, tako da Karadžiću ostaje da izvodi svoje dokaze po ostalih 10 tačaka optužnice, uključujući i onu koja ga tereti za genocid u Srebrenici.

Koncentracioni logor Keraterm kod Prijedora.

Identificirano 12 žrtava stradalih na području Prijedora 1992. godine
Jedna od najvećih masovnih grobnica na ovom području

TVSA — U Centru za obdukciju i identifikaciju Šejkovača u Sanskom Mostu identificirano je 12 žrtava stradalih na području Prijedora 1992. godine i u logoru Keraterm.

Glasnogovornica Instituta za nestale osobe BiH Lejla Čengić kazala je Feni da je riječ o civilima bošnjačke nacionalnosti od 20 do 67 godina.

Prema njenim riječima, ove žrtve ekshumirane su uglavnom iz masovne grobnice Jakarina Kosa u mjestu Ljubija na području Prijedora iz koje su 2001. godine ekshumirane 373 žrtve.

Riječ je o jednoj od najvećih masovnih grobnica na području Prijedora.

Identificirani su:

1. Mustafa (Refik) Softić, rođen 24.12.1964. u Prijedoru;
2. Esad (Hasan) Štrkonjić, rođen 31.3.1954. u Kozarcu;
3. Eniz (Nazif) Ališković, rođen 5.11.1968. u mjestu Rakovčani, općina Prijedor;
4. Emin (Hilmija) Duratović, rođen 5.2.1956. u mjestu Rizvanovići, općina Prijedor;
5. Muhamed (Rizah) Kadić, rođen 1.1.1962. u mjestu Bišćani, općina Prijedor;
6. Asim (Muho) Žerić, rođen 20.6.1925. u mjestu Hambarine, općina Prijedor;
7. Samir (Hamzalija) Karagić, rođen 26.4.1972. u Prijedoru;
8. Mirsad (Muhamed) Crnkić, rođen 16.12.1951. u Prijedoru;
9. Kemal (Hase) Kahteran, rođen 3.7.1952. u mjestu Zecovi, općina Prijedor;
10. Rasim (Mustafa) Sušić, rođen 7.12.1934. u mjestu Čarakovo, općina Prijedor;
11. Husein (Smajo) Zahirović, rođen 19.5.1940. u mjestu Čarakovo, općina Prijedor;
12. Mehmed (Husein) Hopovac rođen 6.2.1941. godine u mjestu Čarakovo, općina Prijedor.

Anadolija — Roy Gutman, ugledni američki novinar i publicista [jevrejskog porijekla], i jedan od novinara koji je tokom agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu boravio u Sarajevu, prokomentirao je za agenciju Anadolija (AA) odluku Haškog tribunala prema kojoj nema dovoljno dokaza o odgovornosti Radovana Karadžića za genocid u sedam bh. općina.

Gutman je napomenuo da je iznenađen ovakvom odlukom Haškog tribunala.

“Zaista sam zatečen ovom odlukom. Nisu obratili pažnju na Konvenciju o genocidu koja bi sigurno pomogla prilikom razmatranja čitavog slučaja. Umjesto toga Tribunal je djelovao po pravilu udruženog zločinačkog poduhvata. To sudsko pravilo tretira svakog člana odgovornim za zločine koje je počinila određena grupa ili zajednica. Mislim da je sud trebao tretirati ovaj slučaj kao zaseban”, riječi su dobitnika Pulitzerove nagrade.

Gutman ističe da je nekada teško shvatiti cjelokupan zločin koji se desio, jer se moraju predočiti svi postojeći dokazi i dokumentacija. A uvijek je lakše dokazati manje krivice.

Američki novinar tvrdi da postoje dokazi kojima bi se moglo dokazati da su zločini počinjeni u ostalim gradovima, osim Srebrenice, čin genocida.

“Naravno da postoje dobri dokazi kojima bi se mogo dokazati počinjeni genocid. Mislim da postoje konkretni i snažni dokazi za dokazivanje genocida u ostalim općinama, dakle, osim Srebrenice. U tim gradovima su postojali koncentracioni logori gdje su dovođeni nevini civili nad kojima su vršene razne torture i mučenje, a mnogi su i ubijeni. To je postala jedna rutina u tim zloglasnim mjestima. Također, postojali su zloglasni logori u kojima su silovane žene. Sve to jasno potvrđuje veliko nasilje koje je izvršeno na tim mjestima, a što se nije desilo slučajno. Ovo su dva korektna primjera, a osim toga izvršen je kulturocid, rušene su ustanove, džamije… ”, ocijenio je Gutman.

Nadalje, on je napomenuo da sve ovo jasno govori da je cilj bio da se istrijebi čitav jedan narod, to jeste da se pokuša spriječiti da jedan narod nastavi da se reproducira i da živi na prostorima BiH.

“Kao što vidite, takvi gnusni zločini su vršeni na jedan sistemski i organiziran način što jasno asocira na genocid”, dodao je Gutman.

Na pitanje zašto je sud u Hagu donio ovakvu odluku Gutman je izjavio:

“Moje mišljenje je da je prethodna presuda Međunarodnog sud pravde (ICJ) utjecala na ovu odluku jer su zaključili da ICJ nije okvalificirao sve zločine u BiH kao genocid. Zato pretpostavljam da je ova odluka donesena na osnovu prethodne odluke ICJ-a kada nije donesena odluka o genocidu”.

No, podsjeća da sudije ICJ nisu imali pristup cjelokupnoj dokumentaciji jugoslavenskih vlasti o počinjenim zločinima u bh. gradovima. Kaže da postoji mogućnost da je tadašnja odluka suda donesena na osnovu nedovoljnih dokaznih dokumenata, pa čak i na osnovu neznanja jer nisu imali najosnovniju dokaznu dokumentaciju.

“Ova odluka je slična presudi ICJ-a. Najveća misterija je to zašto je sada donesena ovakva odluka. Ne znamo prave motive sudija, ali znamo šta su oni u konačnici odlučili. Odluka Haškog tribunala bi se mogla protumačiti i kao politički motivirana, ali opet nismo baš najsigurniji šta su bili stvarni motivi iza ovakve odluke”, ističe Gutman.

On se pita zašto je ovaj Haški tribunal uopće osnovan i šta je njegova primarna funkcija.

“Ako je cilj suda samo da dokaže krivicu pojedinaca, onda se Sud udaljava od stvarne uloge koja mu je namijenjena. Prošlo je skoro 20 godina od osnivanja suda. Mislite li da je sud osnovan samo da utvrdi pojedinačnu krivnju za počinjene zločine u BiH”, pita američki novinar.

Gutman napominje da je važno da se donose presude ratnim zločincima.

“I dalje će se nastaviti sudski procesi, što može biti velika utjeha za porodice žrtava. Sigurno da ovo ne može biti utjeha za svu bol koju osjećaju porodice žrtava, ali, ipak, može donekle biti satisfakcija za bol koju osjećaju. Mislim da je sud u slučaju “Karadžić”, zaista, donio jednu diskutabilnu odluku. Ali, ako razmišljamo pragmatički, rezultat bi svakako bio isti. Jer, zločinci će, na kraju, završiti u zatvorskim ćelijama do kraja svog života”, poručuje Gutman.

Na pitanje šta će biti upisano u knjige historije, on je istakao:

“Mislim da se historija treba tumačiti prema historijskim činjenicama. Tribunal donosi odluke, ali i historičari će ispričati svoju stranu priče. Pa, čak i kada sud donese odluku da se nije desio genocid, to ne mora značiti da se tamo zaista nije desio genocid. Ja lično mislim da se u tim bh. gradovima desio genocid”

Gutman je dobitnik Pulitzerove nagrade za izvještavanje u BiH i autor knjige “Svjedok genocida”, prema kojoj su i danas okrenuti svi istraživači genocida kao najrelevantnijoj knjizi o stradanjima 1992. i 1993. godine.

Slobodan Milošević u društvu Radovana Karadžića i Momira Bulatovića

Slobodanu Miloševiću je dokazan genocid! Haški tribunal zanemario da je ranije dokazan genocid u Srebrenici, Brčkom, Prijedoru…

Anadolija — Sudsko vijeće Haškog tribunala, kojim je predsjedavao korejski sudija O-Gon Kwon, donijelo je u četvrtak međupresudu u kojoj je ocijenilo da nema dovoljno dokaza da su srpske snage pod vodstvom ratnog zločinca Radovana Karadžića izvršile genocid u općinama Bratunac, Foča, Ključ, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica i Zvornik, iako je međupresudom od 16. juna 2004. godine preminuli bivši predsjednik SR Jugoslavije i Srbije Slobodan Milošević proglašen krivim za genocid u sedam bh. općina.

Naime, Milošević je u junu 2004. godine tražio da se iz optužnice za Bosnu i Hercegovinu brišu tačke 1 i 2 kojima se on teretio za genocid i saučesništvo u genocidu.

Pretresno vijeće kojim je predsjedavao sudija Patrick Robinson odbacilo taj Miloševićev zahtjev, navodeći kako je dokazano da je “postojao udruženi zločinački poduhvat s ciljem da se počini genocid”, kao i da su – prema do tad prezentiranim dokazima – učesnici tog poduhvata zaista počinili genocid u Brčkom, Prijedoru, Sanskom Mostu, Srebrenici, Bijeljini, Ključu i Bosanskom Novom!

Većinom glasova, Sudsko vijeće je tada zaključilo da je Milošević “bio učesnik u udruženom zločinačkom poduhvatu, zajedno s tadašnjim vodstvm bosanskih Srba”.

Zanimljivo je da je u Sudskom vijeću u slučaju “Milošević” bio i korejski sudija O-Gon Kwon, koji je danas predsjedavajući Sudskog vijeća u predmetu “Karadžić”.

Međutim, on je i tada izdvojio svoje mišljenje, smatrajući kako “nije izvan razumne sumnje dokazano da je optuženi Milošević djelovao s namjerom da se Bošnjaci unište, u cjelini ili dijelom, kao etnička i vjerska grupa”.

Tačno osam godina kasnije O-Gon Kwon je u slučaju “Karadžić” nametnuo svoj stav da u sedam bh. općina nije počinjen genocid.

Na činjenicu da je u slučaju “Milošević” donesena osuđujuća međupresuda za genocid, upozorio je i prvi komandant Armije Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, penzionisani general Sefer Halilović, kojeg je Haški tribunal oslobodio odgovornosti za ratne zločine u Bosni i Hercegovini.

Za njega je iznenađujuća odluka Sudskog vijeća Haškog tribunala da nema dovoljno dokaza da su srpske snage izvršile genocid u općinama Bratunac, Foča, Ključ, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Vlasenica i Zvornik.

“Očekivao sam da će presuda u slučaju ‘Milošević’ biti dovoljna Sudskom vijeću da ostane pri stavu da je u više bh. općina izvršen genocid. Ne znam zašto se Haško tužilaštvo nije pozivalo na odluku u slučaju “Milošević”. Jer, nije nedostajalo pravnih argumenata da se Radovan Karadžić osudi za genocid više gradova u Bosni i Hercegovini”, kazao je general Halilović.

Na pitanje da li ima utisak da, ipak, iza svega stoji politika, Sefer Halilović odgovara:

“Po meni, ovo je bilo za očekivati s obzirom da je predsjedavajući Sudskog vijeća, korejski sudija O-Gon Kwon od početka pokazivao simpatije prema Srbima. S druge strane, bosanska diplomatija je zakazala. Morala je biti aktivnija. Jer, svaki put kada smo mi neaktivni, to odlično iskoristi diplomatija Srbije. A nema sumnje da je Srbija diplomatski djelovala kako bi bila donesena ovakva odluka. Ja sam bio svjedok kako je ranije radila srbijanska diplomatija”, tvrdi Halilović.

Nadalje, on smatra da se nešto slično ne bi smjelo dogoditi i u slučaju Ratka Mladića, te da bi u tom postupku morale biti ispravljene sve dosadašnje greške. Apelira i na Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova BiH da se aktivnije uključi u ovaj slučaj.

Pretresno vijeće Haškog tribunala djelomično je prihvatilo zahtjev Radovana Karadžića po pravilu 98 bis i donijelo oslobađajuću presudu po tački 1. optužnice, koja je bivšeg predsjednika Republike Srpske teretila za genocid u sedam bosanskohercegovačkih općina. Drugi zahtjevi optuženog su odbijeni, tako da Karadžiću ostaje da izvodi svoje dokaze po ostalih 10 tačaka optužnice, uključujući i onu koja ga tereti za genocid u Srebrenici.

Anadolija – Panbošnjaštvo nužan je uvjet očuvanja bošnjačkog identiteta, ne samo u Bosni i Hercegovini, kao matičnoj državi, nego u regionu i dijaspori, poručeno je na naučnom skupu posvećenom položaju Bošnjaka u BiH i regionu, a u kontekstu evropskih i euroatlanskih integracija, koji je danas održan u Banjoj Luci.

Predstavnici javnog, političkog i vjerskog života bošnjačkog naroda pokušali su danas dati odgovore na neka od ključnih pitanja vezana za položaj Bošnjaka u BiH i regionu, ali i o tome kakvo će mjesto zauzeti u “Evropi bez granica”.

U tom kontekstu razmatran je i status Bošnjak u RS, koji se prema riječima predsjednika nevladine organizacije Bošnjački pokret za ravnopravnost naroda Sejfudina Tokića, drastično razlikuje u normativnom i realnom stanju.

Predsjednik Bošnjačke akamedije nauka i umjetnosti (BANU), akademik prof. dr. Ferid Muhić istakao je da “postoji hronična i ozbiljna kriza bošnjačkog identiteta koja je osjetna kako u BiH tako i u cijelom regionu”.

Prema njegovim riječima, iako je “ime Bošnjak staro osam stoljeća, lokalno stanovništvo se i danas ne identificira kao bošnjačko”.

Glavni muftija Islamske zajednice u Srbiji Muamer ef. Zukorlić, govoreći o položaju Bošnjaka u Sandžaku, istakao je da vlasti u Srbiji decenijama sustavno rade na ugrožavanju njihovog nacionalnog i vjerskog identiteta.

“Osim malo svjetla koje smo ugledali u periodu dok je premijer Srbije bio mučki ubijeni Zoran Đinđić, i Beograd, ali i Podgorica, čine sve kako bi reduirali naša prava i našu autohtonost”, naglasio je Zukorlić.

Osim napada na Islamsku zajednicu u Srbiji Zukorlić je posebno upozorio na probleme s kojima se susreće Internacionalni univerzitet, osnovan 2002. godine u Novom Pazaru, samo zbog toga što “školuje vlastitu intelektualnu elitu”.

Zukorlić je izrazio uvjerene da će “novoizabrana vlast u Srbiji shvatiti šta su radili njihovi prethodnici, a što nije bilo dobro za Sandžak i Srbiju”.

“Nestabilnost i mnoga otvorena pitanja u Sandžaku nisu u interesu Srbije”, poručio je Zukorlić.

Učesnici naučnog skupa usvojili su i Deklaraciju u kojoj se, između ostalog, navodi da će se zalagati za osiguranje načela pravne jednakosti svih građana BiH na njenoj cijeloj teritoriji, uspostavljanje funkcionalne države u kojoj će u procesu glasanja biti otklonjene entoteritorijalne blokade, izmjenu izbornog sistema BiH kojom bi se omogućilo da Predsjedništvo BiH bude birano na cijeloj teritoriji BiH, te za punu podršku i solidarnost s Bošnjacima izvan granica BiH u ostvarivanju njihovih individualnih i nacionalnih prava.

Partners in the Bosnian Genocide: Radovan Karadzic, Slobodan Milosevic, Momir Bulatovic.

According to Dr. Marko Hoare, who worked for the International Criminal Tribunal as a researcher, decision to acquit Radovan Karadzic on 1 count of genocide is contradictory, because earlier decision in Milosevic trial proved genocide occurred in 7 Bosnian municipalities. The Trial judges then concluded:

“On 16 June 2004, in ‘Prosecutor v. Slobodan Milosevic: Decision on Motion for Judgement of Acquittal’, the Trial Chamber refused to acquit Milosevic on the same grounds, and ruled:

246. On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence…”

Read Dr. Hoare’s reaction on his official blog >>>

Information for visitors:
Visits are by appointment only on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays: you cannot access it on your own, but as part of organised tours from the Tourist Office of Konjic. Tel: +387 61726030

The secrets of one of the most intriguing figures of the old communist bloc are laid bare in this underground nuclear bunker in Bosnia-Herzegovina that’s now open to the public

By Caludio Agostoni, Parallelzero
Gulf News 

In the ranking of top-secret military sites in the countries that comprised the former Yugoslavia, bunker number D-0 in the town of Konjic, 50km south-west of the capital Sarajevo, was the most important.

To get to D-0 from Sarajevo it’s just an hour’s drive and as cheap as €50 (Dh230) if you can find a cooperative taxi driver. After passing the village of Konjicsi, we continued along the Neretva River for a few miles, then crossed a bridge where we were faced with a barrier and a nondescript house. Displaying the documents authorising our visit enabled us to reach an even more anonymous second house that hides the entrance to the Atomska Ratna Komanda (ARK), the bunkers built for Josip Broz Tito, former leader of Yugoslavia, even though he never so much as set foot there.

A colossal building, its construction began in 1953 and ended in 1979, a year before Tito’s death. The whole complex sprawls across 611 square metres, dug 300 metres into a mountain. The cost of this work was astronomical – nearly $5 billion (Dh18 billion). It was created to save the entire Yugoslavian ruling class from a nuclear attack. It was built to withstand an attack with bombs up to 25 kilotons – far more powerful than the ones that were dropped on Hiroshima.

In the event of an attack, the bunker could accommodate President Tito, his family and his closest collaborators – about 350 people. From here it would be possible to govern the country, or what was left of it. It’s a kind of labyrinth, a complex of residential areas, conference rooms, offices, halls for strategic planning, a ‘presidential bloc’ and other sections. The construction of the tunnel was done in total secrecy. Teams of workers often changed so no one would know too much about the bunker, and workers were brought there blindfolded so they wouldn’t know its exact location.

Once it was finished, only four generals were allowed to enter. Sixteen soldiers took care of maintenance: nine Serbs and seven Bosnian Croats. When Yugoslavia fell apart just before the war in Bosnia, Serbs and Croats largely dismantled military installations in this region with its mountainous and little-used routes.

What could not be broken down, like the largest underground military airport near Bihac, the Serbs have blown up. In 1992 the Serbian high command in Belgrade gave the order to destroy the bunker in Konjic. It was a Bosniak military guard who sabotaged the operation, saving everything. Since then, the building, with all its signs and symbols, its furnishings and its instruments, has been fully preserved.

Visiting the bunker now, the first thought that comes to mind is that this construction is a huge monument to Tito. We are greeted by large colour photos of the president in his black uniform with gold badges and a chest covered with medals. In Bosnia and Herzegovina respect for his memory is preserved, even today. The main street of Sarajevo is still devoted to him, and 12 years ago when the government planned to change the name, there were street demonstrations to prevent it.

The enduring respect for the Marshal of the Bosnians is witnessed by one of the most popular bars in the capital, which in addition to bearing his name, is furnished only with old Tito memorabilia. Statues of his bust are on display, as are calendars, old magazines and newspaper articles, stamps, coins and bags of sugar. All these objects, however, cannot compete with the relics housed at the Atomska Ratna Komanda bunker. Here, admirers and other visitors will find not only what would have been his bed and a bathroom complete with bidet and the Presidential PBX – an internal phone exchange – but also his wife’s wig, made of hair donated by women from across the whole of Yugoslavia.

As well as Tito nostalgia there are also some examples of retro design, with everything firmly dated and perfectly preserved. Furniture covered with Formica. Pristine toilets manufactured in Banja Luka, Bosnia-Herzegovina’s second-largest city. The conference room with 72 seats upholstered in a mustard shade. Two air conditioning systems – one that was set aside just for Tito’s accommodation – that even today maintain a temperature of 23-24 degrees and 60 per cent humidity. Huge shelves holding gaskets, screws, drills, light bulbs and hammers. There are also old tape recorders and dozens of Siemens telexes.

There is an old contraption that allows you to record and play back your voice, an ancestor of modern recorders. An array of vintage analog technology is on display, most notably, the ‘red phone’, which is seen in so many spy movies. These telephones are considered the true icons of Tito’s Yugoslavia. They were produced by the Iskra (‘spark’) company, an electronic equipment manufacturer in Slovenia from the Sixties to the Nineties.

The bunker is now a venue for a biennial of contemporary art. Prompted by the letters in the code of the bunker, the project has been dubbed D-0 ARK Underground. There is irony in the fact that the bunker, designed and built strictly to accommodate a small circle of the elite, has been reborn and is open to all.

TAKE A LOOK AT MORE PHOTOS OF THE UNDERGROUND NUCLEAR BUNKER IN BOSNIA >>>

Bosnian Genocide has legal backing: In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Prijedor where Keraterm concentration camp was located. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence, including the evidence set out in paragraphs 238 -245. The scale and pattern of the attacks, their intensity, the substantial number of Muslims killed in the seven municipalities, the detention of Muslims, their brutal treatment in detention centres and elsewhere, and the targeting of persons essential to the survival of the Muslims as a group are all factors that point to genocide.”

PHOTO #1. The building of the Keraterm concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were interned, tortured, raped and killed in this camp. Source: International Criminal Tribunal.

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PHOTO #2: Muhamed Klipic, 21 from Prijedor, Bosnia. Following the Serb attack on Prijedor, Klipic was taken to the Keraterm concentration camp where he witnessed rape and was tortured. Photographed at a refugee camp in Posusje, Bosnia December 26, 1992. His mother Adila said her son has lost his mind and has regressed back to a small child. Source: Nina Berman.

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PHOTO #3: Survivor of the Keraterm concentration camp, Muhamed Klipic, described what happened to him: “I was in a camp 3 months and 10 days in Keraterm. They beat me on my face and my hands. I was standing in the corner. They had guns pointed at me. They brought in a 12-year-old boy, a Serbian child. He beat me with an iron bar. Two or three days they beat me. They also brought in a girl, a Muslim (Bosniak) girl. They forced me to rape her. First they raped her and then we had to rape her. ” Source: Nina Berman

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PHOTO #4: Monument to the victims of the Keraterm concentration camp reads: “On this location, in May of 1992, death camp ‘Keraterm’ was established where over 3,000 innocent people from Prijedor were detained, tortured or killed. Until August of 1992 in the Keraterm camp, more than 300 people were killed or missing from this camp.” 

Victims of the Omarska concentration camp. Image by deconcrete (Memorial in Exile)

The Omarska was another Serb-run concentration camp near Prijedor, one of seven municipalities where genocide had taken place between 1992-1995 Bosnian war, according to the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were detained, tortured, raped, and or killed or went missing (many were later found in dozens of mass graves scattered around Prijedor.

Fact Check: Bosnian Genocide has legal backing: In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Prijedor where Keraterm concentration camp was located. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi….”

PHOTO #1: Here we see a screenshot from the video material used by the International Criminal Tribunal which shows an emaciated dying Bosniak prisoner in the Omarska concentration camp near Prijedor (August 1992). Bosnian Genocide was marked by systematic torture in concentration camps, mass rape of women and girls, widespread ethnic cleansing and genocidal execution of a Bosniak majority on a territory claimed by Serbs.

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PHOTO #2: Bosniak civilians in the Omarska concentration cam, August of 1992. Here we see prisoners arriving on a “staged lunch” in front of western cameras. Serb leadership wanted to fool the world into believing that prisoners are fine and safe from abuses. Survivors of this camp would later testify about the horrifying conditions in this camp. “The men pointed at a passing dog and ordered Ranko to shoot it, which he did. As the dog lay dying, they screamed at Ranko, asking him if he was a good Serb and telling him that if he could shoot a dog, then he could shoot a Muslim. Yes, yes, he was a good Serb. He closed his eyes and pulled the trigger,” – described former Serb soldier. Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). 

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PHOTO #3: Armed guards oversee staged lunch in the Omarska concentration camp. Ian Williams, ITN screenshot, 6 August 1992.

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PHOTO #4: Emaciated and starving Bosniak civilian prisoners during a “staged lunch” in the Omarska Concentration Camp in August of 1992 lunch. Photo courtesy: The Hague Tribunal.

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PHOTO #5: Emaciated skin-and-bones Bosniak prisoner in the Omarska concentration camp in August of 1992. Source: Penny Marshall, ITN screenshot, 6 August 1992.

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PHOTO #6: Bosniak civilians in the Omarska concentration camp during a staged lunch in August of 1992. Armed guard with a weapon is seen in the background. Photo courtesy: The Hague Tribunal.

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PHOTO #7. Aerial view of the Omarska concentration camp. Thousands of Bosniak  civilians were interned, tortured, raped, and killed in this camp during the Bosnian Genocide (1992-95). Source: The International Criminal Tribunal.

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PHOTO #8: Another aerial view of the notorious Omarska concentration camp in Bosnia. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were interned, tortured, raped, and killed in this camp during the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide. Source: The Hague Tribunal.

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PHOTO #9: Entrance to the Omarska concentration camp. Many did not come out alive or were executed in front of the camp. Thousands of Bosniak civilians were interned, tortured, raped, and killed in this camp during the Bosnian Genocide. Source: The International Criminal Tribunal.

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PHOTO #10: On the left is Zina (77 years old), survivor of the Omarska concentration camp. She is comforted by an unknown visitor to the site of the camp. Credit: Borut Peterlin, 2008.

Spomenik žrtama Genocida u Srebrenici. (Izmir, Turska)

Anadolija — U znak sjećanja na genocid u Srebrenici, u izmirskoj općini Buca je izgrađen spomenik „Srebrenica“, visok 11 metara, čije otvorenje je planirano 11. Jula ove godine, na dan obilježavanja godišnjice ovog trgičnog događaja u BiH.

Načelnik općine Buca Ercan Tati je u izjavi za agenciju Anadolija istakao da je cilj ovog spomenika „da se ne zaboravi Srebrenica“ i dodao kako je izgradnja ovog spomenika još jedan znak suosjećanja sa majkama i preživjelim Bošnjacima iz Srebrenice.

Tati je podsjetio da u Izmiru živi veliki broj Bošnjaka koji su bili inicijatori projekta koji će predstavljati i opomenu da se ovakvo zlo ne zaboravi i ne ponovi.

Načelnik Tati je kazao da se trenutno uređuje prostor oko spomenika u kojem će biti postavljeni specijalni zvučni i svjetlosni efekti. Pored spomenika će biti postavljen veliki ekran na kojemu će biti emitovani dokumentarni filmovi, priče, pjesme i drugi sadržaji o genocidu u Srebrenici. Ovaj kompleks će biti otvoren non-stop za posjetioce.

Načelnik izmirske općine je kazao da je prošle sedmice posjetio BiH i da je tom prilikom informisao javnost i zvaničnike o otvorenju ovog spomen-obilježja.

Posebno su prijatno iznenađene majke stradalih srebreničkih Bošnjaka. Jedna majka mi je rekla da tamo žive ljudi koji žele zlo Bošnjacima. Njen otac je ubijen 1902., brat 1942., muž joj je ubijen 1947. godine, a dvoje njene djece 1992. Ubice su iste.

Majke Srebrenice su nas zamolile da na spomeniku ne napišemo ‘zločin’, jer se tamo ustvari desio ‘genocid’. Mi ćemo provjeriti, i ukoliko ne bude zakonskih prepreka ovaj spomenik ćemo nazvati ‘Spomenik genocida’“, rekao je načelnik Tati.

Ističući želju da se identičan spomenik izgradi i u Potočarima, Tati je kazao da je on podnio službene zahtjeve za takav projekat i da će, ukoliko bude izdata dozvola za izgradnju, spomenik biti izgrađen sljedeće godine.

PHOTO #1: Three years before the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide, Serb forces killed more than 3,000 Bosniak (Muslim) women, children and elderly around Srebrenica. The killings continued from April 1992 and up until the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995 when additional 8,000 men and boys were lined up and executed. In this April 15, 1993 file photo, a nurse tends to 12-year-old Sead Bekric in a hospital in Tuzla, Bosnia-Herzegovina, after Serb attack on the elementary school in the besieged Srebrenica blinded him and killed dozens of youth and children. (Photo/Karsten Thielker)

The international courts have repeatedly ruled that the July 1995 massacre of 8,000 Bosniak men and boys at Srebrenica constituted Genocide. Approximately 500 children were killed in the Srebrenica massacre. The Hague Tribunal also ruled that genocide was committed in six other municipalities of Bosnia-Herzegovina. In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the Court rejected the defendant’s “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi….”

According to Daniel Toljaga, expert member of Canadian Institute for the Research of Genocide, in the first three months of the Bosnian war and,

“More than three years before the 1995 Srebrenica genocide, Bosnian Serb nationalists – with the logistical, moral and financial support of Serbia and the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) – destroyed 296 predominantly Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) villages in the region around Srebrenica, forcibly uprooting some 70,000 Bosniaks from their homes and systematically massacring at least 3,166 Bosniaks including many women, children and the elderly.”

PHOTO #2 ↓ : Hair braids and the remains of a Bosniak child in the Zaklopača mass grave. Bosnian Forensic experts Murat Hurtic, left, and Vedo Tuco, right, inspect body remains on mass-grave site in the village of Zaklopaca in the municipality of Vlasenica, adjoining to the municipality of Srebrenica,  on May 12, 2004. Mass grave in Zaklopaca has been discovered by Bosnian Commission for Missing Persons and is considered to be secondary mass-grave containing bodies of 72 persons that were executed on 16 May 1992. Among 72 bodies, it is suspected that there are 16 children, age 3-16 and 10 women. The site is a so-called secondary grave, where bodies initially buried elsewhere were dumped. One of survivors of this massacre was Nihada Hodzic, interviewed by Daniel Toljaga at this link.

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PHOTO #3 ↓ : Aftermath of the April 1993 Srebrenica Children Massacre. Photo shows a truck full of badly wounded Bosniak children who survived the Children Massacre at Srebrenica. Source: The US Holocaust Memorial Museum in collaboration with Christiane Amanpour of CNN.

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PHOTO #4 ↓ : Remains of a pregnant Bosniak woman (name: Zekira Begic-Hrustenbasic) and her unborn baby excavated from the mass grave Suha in Srebrenica region, near Bratunac. They were in May of 1992, more that three years before the Srebrenica genocide. Baby’sundeveloped head, fingers, and legs are clearly visible. The massacre was committed by Serb soldiers around Srebrenica in 1992, more than 3 years before the Srebrenica genocide. The mass grave Suha contained bodies of 30 Bosniak women and 8 children with the youngest child being 2 years old.  Source: Human Rights NGO Truth for Justice, Tuzla.

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PHOTO #5 ↓ : Approximately 500 children died in the Srebrenica Genocide according to the NGO “Women of Srebrenica”. (See list of all children in Bilten of Srebrenica #41). Source: “Women of Srebrenica”

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PHOTO #6 ↓ : Twenty feet deep and a hundred feet long Pilica farm mas grave was excavated by forensic pathologists in 1996. Bosnian Genocide victims were blindfolded with hands tied behind their back before execution. Photo by Gilles Peress.

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PHOTO #7 ↓ :  Different types of ligatures were used to bind and then systematically execute 8,372 Srebrenica genocide victims in July 1995. The above is an example from PLC mass grave. Exhibit P129/67, Krstic trial. Photo courtesy: UN War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague, Netherlands.

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PHOTO #8 ↓ : Exhumation site of Bosnian Genocide victims shows mounds of bodies in the Cancari Valley in eastern Bosnia near Srebrenica. 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were lined up and executed after the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995. Source: International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.

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PHOTO #9 ↓ : Blindfolded Srebrenica genocide victim in the Kozluk primary grave. Exhibit P642.15, Milosevic trial. The 1995 Srebrenica massacre was the last major Serbian atrocity against the Bosniak people. Photo courtesy: UN War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague.

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PHOTO #10 ↓ :  Aerial (Satellite) view taken on 13 July 1995 showing a large group of Bosniak prisoners from Srebrenica awaiting execution. Buses used to transport the Bosniaks to the execution sites are clearly visible. Images taken by CIA spy drones and provided to the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague.

Bošnjaci sahranjuju 520 tijela, Srbi prave feštu sa koncertima i fudbalskim turnirom

Uporedo sa obilježavanjem godišnjice genocida, ove godine srpska boračka udruženja Srebrenice od 07. do 12. jula obilježit će Petrovdanaske dane. Za razliku od proteklih godina, godišnjica stradanja srpskih vojnika u Bratuncu se obilježava 7., a ne 12. jula. Mnogi Srbi ukopani na vojnom groblju u nekada većinski bošnjačko-muslimanskom Bratuncu, poginuli su tijekom rata na ratištima diljem Bosne učestvujući u etničkom čišćenju, silovanjima i genocidu nad Bošnjacima.

Tri godine prije genocida u Srebrenici, Srbi su uništili 296 muslimanskih sela i pobili najmanje 3.166 Bošnjaka, uključujući žene, djecu i starce, u Srebrenici i okolnim opštinama Bratunca, Vlasenice, Rogatice i Višegrada. Već 1993, U.N. je zaključio da se odvija usporeni proces genocida u Srebrenici. U julu 1995, Srbi su sistematski strijeljali preko 8,000 bošnjačkih dječaka i muškaraca, a na stotine žena i djevojčica brutalno silovali.

Organizacioni odbor za obilježavanje 17. godišnjice genocida u Srebrenici saopštio je da su obavljene sve pripreme za komemorativni skup koji će biti održan 11. jula u Memorijalnom centru u Potočarima kod Srebrenice. Tog dana će biti ukupano 520 identifikovanih žrtava, među kojima su šest maloljetnih osoba i tri žene.

Organizacioni odbor za obilježavanje godišnjice genocida, istakao je da ove godine srpska populacija u Srebrenici i Bratuncu prvi put istovremeno organizuje obilježavanje “Petrovdanskih dana”.

Organizacioni odbor ocijenio je da program koji sadrži fudbalski turnir, koncerte i druge aktivnosti, a koji će se odvijati u vrijeme kada će u Srebrenici biti oko 30.000 članova porodica, preživjelih žrtava, duboko vrijeđa osjećanja žrtava i može izazvati ozbiljne sigurnosne probleme na cijelom području opštine Srebrenica, navodi se u saopštenju Organizacionog odbora.

- Mi ne možemo da garantujemo sigurnost, ako se u toku dolaska porodica, koje će kopati svoje najmilije dešava fudbalski turnir na kome će se neko napiti, donijeti neke zastave, provocirati – izjavio je Ćamil Duraković, predsednik Organizacionog odbora.

- Ovo je sramota da se 11. jula, kada ukopavamao svoju braću, djecu, očeve, organizuju “Petrovdanski dani”. Sljedeće godine vjerovatno će festival prebaciti u same Potočare – rekao je Predsjednik Koordinacionog tima Građanske inicijative “Glasat ću za Srebrenicu” Emir Suljagić.

REAKCIJE

VIDEO 1: Juli 6, 2012.

VIDEO 2: Juli 7, 2012.

The Srebrenica Children Massacre refers to the killing of at least 70 children among the victims when the elementary school in Srebrenica, eastern Bosnia, was shelled by the Bosnian Serb Army on 12 April 1993. The memorial plague indicates “more than 70 victims” were killed and “more than 100 victims” were injured. At least 10 other victims died in the hospital due to life-threatening injuries sustained in the massacre. In all, more than 200 Bosniak civilians were killed and injured that day.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Srebrenica Children Massacre (12 April 1993). Credit: The USHMM/CNN.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Srebrenica Children Massacre (12 April 1993). Credit: The USHMM/CNN.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Srebrenica Children Massacre (12 April 1993). Credit: The USHMM/CNN.

Bosnian Genocide (1993): Memorial to more than 200 killed and injured in the April 1993 Srebrenica Children Massacre.

The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington D.C. provides a video clip of the aftermath of ths massacre. You can view it at this link. The U.N. inquiry concluded that the situation in the besieged Srebrenica in 1993 was a slow-motion process of genocide. All this occurred more than two years before the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide.

Naser Orić

Faruk Vele  (Anadolija) - Legendarni ratni komandant odbrane Srebrenice Naser Orić ima dvije neostvarene želje.

Prvu, da u Memorijalnom centru Potočari klanja dženazu članovima svoje porodice, saborcima i ostalim žrtvama genocida i, drugu, da povede ‘Marš mira’, kolonu koja se kreće “stazom smrti”. Tom stazom su se jula 1995. godine izvlačili preživjeli Srebreničani, a u susret im je išao upravo komandant Orić sa svojim borcima.

Apsurd je u tome da je Naser Orić prije četiri godine u Haškom tribunalu pravosnažno oslobođen za ratne zločine, ali da i dalje nije slobodan građanin. Naime, u Republici Srpskoj se protiv njega i dalje vode istrage zbog navodnih zločina, pa izbjegava prelaziti entitetsku liniju.

Orić u intervjuu za agenciju Anadolija (AA), prvom opširnijem nakon duže vremena, priznaje da nikada do sada nije bio na dženazi u Potočarima, te da je to rana na njegovoj duši.

“Ti utisci i osjećanja prema Srebrenici, i onome što se tamo dogodilo, u mojoj duši se nisu promijenili od prvog dana. Stanje u mojoj duši je isto. Toliko vremena je prošlo, a ja se nisam pomjerio s mrtve tačke. Svaki put kada tražim da neka od relevantnih institucija meni potvrdi da mogu ići u Srebrenicu i tamo klanjati dženazu, odnosno biti prisutan kada se ukopavaju moji najmiliji, familija, suborci, svi koji su žrtve genocida, čeka se pet do dvanaest.

Na kraju kažu da bi, zbog mira u kući, najbolje bilo da tamo uopće ne idem! To se tako povlači iz godine u godine i ništa se ne rješava. Uglavnom odem noć uoči “Marša mira”, obratim se ljudima, sugeriram kako da se ponašaju kada se budu išli putem kuda su se ljudi izvlačili i spašavali živote. To je ono što mogu da dam. Sve drugo je ostalo na čekanju”, kaže Orić za AA.

Često se pita zašto se prema njemu tako odnose, jer ga je Haški tribunal proglasio nevinim i oslobodio odgovornosti za ratne zločine.

“S druge strane, imam upozorenja da ne idem u Srebrenicu, da nije dobro da se ja tamo pojavljujem, iako sam slobodan građanin Bosne i Hercegovine. Mislim da je sve to ispolitizirano. Sve je to poprimilo jednu političku dimenziju. Osim toga, i neke političke strukture ne žele da me vide među mojim suborcima i žele umanjiti značaj moga lika. No, na njihovu nesreću, stvara se kontraefekt kod moje, boračke populacije, kod djece šehida… Što mi više zabranjuju da se krećem, ja imam veću podršku u mom narodu”, govori Orić.

Priznaje kako ima utisak da ga stalno proganjaju zbog navodnih zločina nad Srbima. Pitamo ga do kada će to tako biti, a on odgovara kako je s tim “davno raščistio”.

“Proganjat će me dok sam živ. Ja sam stalno pod paskom. Dok sam živ njima ću biti interesantan. Jer, se Srbin ne može pomiriti s činjenicom da sam ja izašao kao pobjednik iz svega ovog što se dešavalo. Oni pokušavaju da nađu nekog ko će biti pandan njihovoj zločinačkoj strani. Kada sam ja u pitanju, to je čist promašaj. Ja se ne stidim svojih dijela. A propao je njihov pokušaj da dokažu da smo mi napravili zločine nad Srbima, pa su Srbi, kao, iritirani time, 1995. godine napravili genocid. Zaboravlja se kako smo mi u Srebrenici od 1992. godine bili u okruženju i branili se. Prije nego je ijedan Bošnjak ispalio i ijedan metak desilo se na desetine ubistava 1992. godine. Ubijeno je preko 15 hiljada Bošnjaka u Podrinju”, objašnjava Orić za agenciju Anadolija.

Podsjeća i na stradanje Bošnjaka u Višegradu, Foči, Goraždu…

“Svi su se ti užasi dogodili prije nego su Bošnjaci pružili otpor, a sada ispade da smo mi najviše zločina napravili!? Zašto? Vjerujte, samo zato što smo pružili otpor. U cijelom pojasu Drine sve su pobili i protjerali, jedino smo mi u Srebrenici opstali do 1995. godine. Zato smo bili trn u oku”, rekao je on.

Ratni zapovjednik 28. divizije 2. korpusa Armije Republike BiH obradovan je činjenicom da se, kako je informiran, njegovo ratno djelo veoma poštuje u Turskoj. Narodu Srebrenice, kako ističe, posebno znači što su ove godine “Cvijet Srebrenice”, taj simbol genocida, stavili turski premijer Recep Tayyip Erdogan, šef turske diplomatije Ahmet Davutoglu, kao i članovi njihovih porodica. Svaka podrška nam je, kako veli, itekako dobro došla, a pogotovo od sile kakva je Turska.

“Znači mi mnogo što se narod Turske saosjeća s našim narodom. Mi smo Bošnjaci, dakle, nismo Turci. Ali, Srbi su nas, kada smo bili na frontu, uvijek nazivali Turcima. Osim toga, Srbi u međusobnoj komunikaciji Bošnjake nikada ne zovu njihovim imenom, već Turcima”, prisjeća se Orić.

Komentirajući najave organiziranja čitavog niza manifestacija u povodu navodnih zločina nad Srbima u danima oko 11. jula ove godine, te koncerta u centralnoj crkvi u Srebrenici na samu godišnjicu genocida, Orić ističe da su se provokacije mogle očekivati.

“Naše sigurnosne strukture trebaju predvidjeti šta će se desiti i pobrinuti se za sigurnost ljudi. No, meni takvo ponašanje srpskih nacionalista nije strano. Ja sam ranije kao policajac živio i radio u Beogradu. Znam kako funkcioniraju. Ja sam to i očekivao. Vjerujte, takve provokacije su najblaže što oni mogu uraditi. Spremni su na daleko veće korake nego je ovo što sada čine. No, što se tiče nekih špekulacija da bi ove godine mogli biti izazvani neki incidenti kako bi to bio izgovor da naredne godine u Republici srpskoj zabrane obilježavanje godišnjice genocida u Srebrenici, mogu reći da nema toga na planeti Zemlji ko može zabraniti tom narodu, tim majkama, da obilježe godišnjicu stradanja. Ne znam da li se rodio taj čovjek koji će majaka Srebrenice reći da ne mogu ići u Srebrenicu”, tvrdi Orić.

Po njemu, razloge takvih provokacija treba tražiti u činjenicu da je nacionalizam u Srbiji i Republici Srpskoj i dalje vitalan.

“Ideja “velike Srbije” i danas živi i nikada se neće ugasiti. Nažalost, bošnjački korpus je doprinio tome da srpskim nacionalistima damo malo zeleno svjetlo da se time bave. Nismo bili posve jasni od Dejtonskog sporazuma naovamo. Dali smo im prostora da manevriraju i manipuliraju. Naravno, oni da imaju morala ne bi izvodili takve provokacije na godišnjicu genocida. Naprotiv, može se očekivati kako će se boriti svim sredstvima da omalovaže i oskrnave Srebrenicu”, odlučan je ratni komandant Srebrenice.

Nadalje, objašnjava da je fama o navodnim zločinima nad Srbima u Podrinju obična laž.

“To je propaganda koju su u Beogradu smišljali književnik Brana Crnčević i akademik Srpske akademija nauka i umetnosti (SANU) Dobrica Ćosić. Njihove laži se i danas pokušavaju dokazati. No, mi smo tu priču o zločinima nad Srbima raskrinkali u Hagu. Srpska obavještajna služba je, recimo, od seljaka srpske nacionalnosti tražila da potpisuju izjave u kojima se govori o mojim i zločinima mojih boraca. Dešavalo se da seljaci dođu na suđenje, a da nemaju pojma šta su rekli. Neki su priznali da su obavještajci sami pisali izjave, a da je njima dokument samo donošen na potpis”, priča Orić.

Sedamnaest godina nakon genocida u Srebrenici jedan od najvećih heroja Armije BiH sebi iznova postavlja pitanje da li je grad kojeg je četiri godine u nemogućim uvjetima hrabro branio morao pasti.

“Dolazili smo u Sarajevo tražiti pomoć. Vidjeli smo da dužnosnici u našim vojnim i civilnim strukturama, nažalost, nisu bili svjesni u kakvoj se mi situaciji nalazimo. Jer, mi smo upozoravali na moguću tragediju i predočavali činjenice. Mi smo od 1992. do 1995. godine uradili sve da se odbranimo. Branili smo se bez ičije pomoći i uspjeli se održati sve te godine. U Sarajevu su mislili da je proglašenjem takozvane zaštićene zone Ujedinjenih naroda (UN) problem Srebrenice riješen. No, tek tada je nastao problem. Ukazivali smo na propuste ljudi koji su predstavljali međunarodnu zajednicu. Nažalost, niko nije vjerovao da se takvo nešto može desiti”, naglašava Orić.

No, neće da vjeruje da je Srebrenica izdata i da je “jedan Bošnjak mogao da zna da će se to desi, a da ništa ne poduzme”.

“Ja sam imao priliku doći do dokumentacije koja je bila u Haškom tribunalu i koju je izuzeto Tribunal. Riječ je o dokumentaciji koju su prikupljale srpska i bošnjačka obavještajna služba, dakle, civilne i vojne strukture. Imao sam priliku da dođem i do dokumentacije koju je pripremala i bošnjačka tajna policija, odnosno Agencija za istraživanje i dokumentaciju (AID). Užasno je bilo vidjeti da su neki ljudi, umjesto da pomognu Srebrenicu, više radili na tome kako da mene kompromitiraju. Privodili su ljude, plaćali nekim mojim saborcima da pričaju protiv mene. Pravili su plan i program kako da dezinformiraju javno mnijenje o meni, da od mene naprave kriminalca, ubicu i siledžiju”, emotivno kaže Orić, te nastavlja:

“No, ja sam sve radio transparentno. Živio sam s običnim svijetom i dijelio sve sa njima, preživljavao kao i oni. Zajedno smo išli u borbe. Nažalost, umjesto da pomognu Srebrenici, pojedine bošnjačke strukture su, kao i Srbi, od mene pokušavale napraviti kriminalca i čovjeka koji je izdao Srebrenicu. To im se obilo o glavu, jer je narod srednjeg Podrinja stao uz mene. Narod je svjestan da smo mi bili prepušteni sami sebi. Mislim da se mnogo više moglo pomoći Srebrenici”.

Govoreći od nedopustivim slučajevima proganjanja i šikaniranja heroja odbrane Bosne i Hercegovine, Orić napominje da smo “mi sami krivi što smo dozvolili da nam se dešavaju takve stvari”.

“Ja sam sa svojim borcima oslobodio 900 kvadratnih kilometara teritorija države BiH. To nije samo teritoriji Srebrenice, već obuhvata i Bratunac, Vlasenicu i Zvornik. To je teritorija na kojoj smo pružali otpor. Srebrenica je, zaboravlja se, bila okupiran grad. Mi smo nju bili uspjeli osloboditi za 22 dana. Niko to neće da kaže. To zamjeram bošnjačkom korpusu. Pojedinci nisu ništa uradili, nisu ništa dali, pa im je lakše da od Nasera Orića prave kriminalca nego vojskovođu. A potporučnike i kapetane iz bivše Jugosovenske narode armije (JNA) proizvodili su u činove generala. To su bili titoisti, ljudi koji su nam ispirali mozak komunizmom i nisu vjerovali da JNA može činiti zločine nad Bošnjacima. To su stvari koji me proganjaju”, naglasio je Orić.

Žalostan je zbog činjenice da Bošnjaci, kako kaže, još nemaju izgrađenu nacionalnu svijest, niti imaju istinske vođe koji će tu svijest u njih ugraditi.

Osvrćući se na aktuelni položaj Srebrenice, Orić izražava strah da grad u kojem je izvršen genocid neće ostati u rukama Bošnjaka.

“Ako se ovako nastave ponašati bošnjački politički lideri, mislim da ćemo izgubiti Srebrenicu. Jer, Srebrenica se od bošnjačkih lidera koristi samo u dnevnopolitičke svrhe. Vidite na djelu akteulna politička zbivanja. Više se ne zna ko je u kojoj partiji, izgubila su se sva moralna pravila. U borbi za fotelju zaboravili su i Srebrenicu! To će nam se obiti o glavu. Žalosno je da se ljudi koji vode državu bore za pozicije, a zaboravljaju Srebrenicu. Ne čineći ništa, umanjuju i genocid. Svi su rekli da daju podršku za registraciju glasača u Srebrenici. A nije borba za Srebrenicu samo dati podršku i stati po strani. Mora se uraditi mnogo više. Dok se naši političari bore za pozicije, Srebrenica završava u rukama onih koji su izvršili genocid. Nije nam sad za to kriv ni Slobodan Milošević, niti Ratko Mladić. Sami smo sebi krivi. A Naser Orić je dao sve. Još samo život da dam”, rekao je Orić.

Srebrenica mora biti izdvojena iz RS

Srebrenica, smatra Orić, mora biti izdvojena iz Republike Srpske.

“Međunarodna zajednica vlada svijetom. Ako hoće, oni mogu sve. Počinjeni genocid, ako se želi, može biti adut međunarodnoj zajednici da izdvoji Srebrenicu iz RS. Kao Brčko, Srebrenica mora imati specijalni status. Mislim da bi to bilo rješenje za taj grad i molim sve ljude u svijetu, a posebno tursku diplomatiju, da pomognu da Srebrenica dobije takav status”, kazao je Orić.

Mladić neće dočekati presudu

Orić je tvrdi da je ratni zločinac Ratko Mladić odradio svoj prljavi posao za srpski narod i da se sada u Hagu podsmijeva žrtvama

“Odradio je posao za svoj narod, sada čeka mirnu smrt. Mogao je davno biti u Hagu, ali su ga, kako se ispostavilo, svi štitili. Sve obavještajne službe. Čekalo se pogodno vrijeme da ga se izruči Hagu. Lično mislim da neće Mladić dočekati presudu”, uvjeren je Orić.

Foča was Genocide: In a 1997 judgement against  the Serb commander Novislav Djajić, the Bavarian Appeals Chamber ruled that the killings in the Bosnian municipality of Foča in which he was involved in June 1992 constituted acts of Genocide.

The above aerial photo (Exhibit P56B, in Karadzic’s case) was taken by CIA drones in 1992 and later given to the Hague Tribunal. The image shows the practice of “selective ethnic cleansing.” On the left-hand side you can see Bosniak section of the town of Foča where genocide took place (the section is destroyed by Serbs); on the right-hand side, you can see undamaged Serb section of the town.

The Foča Genocide was a series of mass murders committed by Serb military, police and paramilitary forces against the Bosniak civilians in the Foča region of Bosnia and Herzegovina (including the towns of Gacko and Kalinovik) from April 7, 1992 to January 1994. In a 1997 judgement against Novislav Đajić, the Bavarian Appeals Chamber ruled that the killings in which he was involved in June 1992 constituted acts Genocide. 

The Foča Genocide also included the sexual component. Thousands of Bosniak women and underage girls were kept in various detention centres where they had to live in intolerably unhygienic conditions and were repeatedly raped and mistreated. There are 25,000 documented cases of rape committed against Bosnian Muslim women and girls in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague rule that Serb forces used “rape as an instrument of terror” in their ‘ethnic cleansing’ campaign.

Before ethnic cleansing, Bosniaks constituted the majority population of this municipality.  Not anymore.  Here are some of the mass graves that were excavated on a territory of Foča municipality between 1996 and 2000 (mass graves excavated after 2000 were not included in this map)

Bosnian Genocide (Foča genocide in eastern Bosnia): Chart showing exhumations carried out between 1996 and 2000 in the Foča municipality, Bosnia and Herzegovina. (Photograph provided courtesy of the ICTY).

Emaciated prisoners in the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined in this camp, then tortured, sexually abused, maltreated, and/or killed. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (Prijedor, August 1992). Emaciated and tortured prisoners in the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined, tortured and killed in this concentration camp. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Approximately 2000 Bosniaks were killed or missing in connection with the atrocities and at Manjaca concentration camp. The camp was founded by the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) and the Bosnian Serb authorities and was surrounded by  barbed wire and explosives (mines) – as visible from the photographs. It was shut down in late 1993. About 6,000 Bosniaks and Croats passed through the camp, many were tortured at Manjaca and then sent to other camps like: Keraterm, Trnopolje, and Omarska – all located around Prijedor.

FORBIDDEN ENTRY SIGN: Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). The entrance sign to the Manjaca concentration camp reads in cyrillic letters CONCENTRATION CAMP – PROHIBITED ENTRY. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined, tortured, sexually abused and killed there. Photographer: Antoine Gyori.

In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Prijedor where Keraterm concentration camp was located. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi.”

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Thousands of civilians, mostly Bosniaks were confined, tortured and killed there. Photographer: Isabel Ellsen

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): Prisoners at the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia behind wire. Photographer: Isabel Ellsen

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): The Manjaca concentration camp was surrounded by a barbed wire and landmines. Warning sign (visible from Center to Right) written in cyrillic letters reads MINES. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor): The Manjaca concentration camp was surrounded by a barbed wire and landmines. Warning sign (visible from Center to Left) attached to a barbed wire and written in cyrillic letters reads MINES. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). Inside of one of many rooms of the Manjaca concentration camp. Photographer: Patrick Robert

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). Bosniak civilians brought into the Manjaca concentration camp by truck await to meet their fate. They soon realized they are not being brought to safety, but into the concentration camp where thousands of Bosniaks were tortured, sexually abused and killed. Photographer: Isabel Ellsen.

Starving and emaciated prisoners at the Manjaca concentration camp during the Bosnian Genocide in the municipality of Prijedor in August of 1992. Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey.

Bosniak civilians in the notorious Serb-run Manjaca concentration camp in north-west Bosnia, near Prijedor, during the Bosnian Genocide in August of 1992. (Credit: The International Criminal Tribunal)

Bosnian Genocide (August 1992, Prijedor). Bosniak prisoners behind a barbed wire of the Manjaca concentration camp near Prijedor, north-west Bosnia. Photographer: Patrick Robert

The maternity hospital at Sveti Duh is packed due to the influx of Bosniak refugees in Zagreb, Croatia. As a result, these babies (born to rape victims) are grouped on patients beds before being turned over to CARITAS, a Catholic humanitarian organization. Photographer: Sophie Elbaz.

Victims of the 1992 Brcko massacre. Source: The International Criminal Tribunal.

Thousands of Bosniak civilians were tortured, confined, raped and/or killed in Brcko during the 1992 Bosnian Genocide.

Here are some photos that best demonstrate the brutality of deliberate, ruthless, and systematic executions coupled with vicious mass rape of women and underage girls. According to the survivors, a furnace was used to burn the bodies of killed victims.

In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Brcko. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

HORRIBLE CRIME: Bosniak woman Aziza (not her real name) is a 29-year-old mother of 3 who was raped in front of her children by Serbian troops at Brcko in 1992. After repeatedly raping her in front of her children, Serbs then urinated in her children’s mouths. During the entire month of December of 1992, the rapes continued and she was 2-months pregnant (at the time this picture was taken) and wants an abortion. There are at 25,000 documented cases of Bosnian Muslim women who were systematically raped during the Bosnian Genocide (1992-95). Photographer: Sophie Elbaz

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence, including the evidence set out in paragraphs 238 -245…..”

Mirela, 23, Bosniak girl recounts systematic rape in the Luka concentration camp during the Bosnian Genocide. She is from the town of Brcko, living in a former school turned refugee center in Tuzla, January 3, 1993. Photo credit: Nina Berman.

Photo evidence (below) courtesy of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia at the Hague (ICTY) shows Serb police officer Goran Jelisic, who gave himself a nickname of “Adolf Hitler” and “Serb Adolf”, was taking a great pleasure in killing Bosniak civilians. He couldn’t keep count how many he killed in total.

Sabina Rizvanovic, 16, her sister Senada Rizvanovic, 17, and Mirela, 23. They are three girls from Brcko who were rounded up with hundreds of other women and girls and then raped by Serb forces in Brcko. Credit: Nina Berman.

Mirela, 23 and Senada Rizvanovic, 17 – two Bosniak girls were viciously raped by Serbs in Brcko during the 1992 Bosnian Genocide. Credit: Nina Berman.

Mass graves containing the remains of the victims of genocide in Brcko.

A furnace was also used to dispose of dead bodies during the Genocide in Brcko (Bosnia, 1992.)

The Siege of Sarajevo was the longest siege of a capital city in the history of modern warfare. It was arguably one of the worst episodes of the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide. 

Serb forces besieged Sarajevo from 5 April 1992 to 29 February 1996, killing 10,000 including at least 1500 children and wounding 56,000 people. The siege lasted three times longer than the Siege of Stalingrad and a year longer than the Siege of Leningrad.

What you are about to see is very graphic in nature. Viewer discretion is advised.

The “Momo” and “Uzeir” twin towers burn on Sniper Alley in downtown Sarajevo during the Serbian shelling of the Bosnian capital on June 08, 1992, in the first months of the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Georges Gobet)

MARKALE 2 (1995): Dead and wounded people lie scattered outside Sarajevo’s Markale market after a mortar shell fired from Serb army positions exploded outside the entrance to the building, on August 28, 1995 in the final stages of the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide. An artillery shell killed at least 37 and wounded more than 90 others. (Photo by Peter Andrews, Markale II.)

MARKALE 1 (1994) In a repeat attack on the Markale market, Serbs killed 68 Bosniak civilians and wounded 144 on February 5, 1994. (Photographer: Patrick Chauve)

Seven-year-old Bosniak child, Nermin Divovic, lies mortally wounded in a pool of blood as unidentified American and British U.N. firefighters arrive to assist after he was shot in the head by Serbian snipers in Sarajevo Friday, November 18, 1994. The U.N. firefighters were at his side almost immediately, but the boy died outright. Serbs terrorized Sarajevo civilians and killed at least 1500 children in the besieged Bosnian capital. (Photographer: Enric Marti)

A Bosniak man takes cover behind a truck while looking at the body of a Bosniak sniper victim, Rahmo Seremet, 54, a Sarajevo engineer working for the city, after he was shot dead by a Serb sniper while supervising the installation of an anti-sniper barricade in central Sarajevo, on May 18, 1995. (AP Photo)

Smoke and flames rise from houses set on fire by attacking Serb forces in the village of Ljuta on Sarajevo’s Mount Igman on July 22, 1993. (Reuters Photo)

Bloodstains cover the wreckage of patients’ rooms at Sarajevo’s Kosevo Hospital on June 16, 1995, after a Serbian shell slammed into it killing two and injuring six. Serb forces routinely attacked civilian targets, including schools, kindergartens and hospitals in the besieged Sarajevo. (AP Photo)

Bosniak child victim, little girl Elvedina Burek, killed in a Serb attack on Sarajevo’s Alipasino Polje neighborhood. She was one of many victims killed with modified air bombs in Sarajevo in 1995. (Ministry of Internal Affairs / International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia).

Bodies of Bosniak children in Sarajevo morgue killed by Serbs during the siege of Sarajevo. (Photographer: Maud S. Beelman). More than 1500 children were killed during the siege of Sarajevo – one of the worst episodes of the Bosnian Genocide.

A Bosniak man in Sarajevo washes blood off of stretchers used to carry the dead and wounded citizens of the besieged capital on 01 Jun 1993. Serbs terrorized and killed 10,000 people, including at least 1500 children, in the besieged Bosnian Muslim city of Sarajevo. (Photographer: Patrick Robert).

A gravedigger in the besieged Sarajevo buries the bodies of Bosniak civilians in a Muslim cemetery on January 28, 1993. During the siege of Sarajevo, Serbs killed 10,000 residents, including more than 1500 children, in one of the worst episodes of the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Antoine Gyori)

Dead Bosniak baby, Nalena Skorupan, was killed by Serbs during the siege of Sarajevo on 7 January 1994. Her only fault: she was Bosnian Muslim. More than 1500 children were killed during the Serbian terror, sniping, shelling and bombardment of the besieged Sarajevo. (Photographer: Gervasio Sánchez.)

Bodies of victims of the Sarajevo siege on June 01, 1993. Some 10,000 people lost their lives in the siege that signified one of the worst episodes of the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Patrick Robert)

Sarajevo’s cemetery “Groblje Bare” – one of many cemeteries where 10,000 victims of the siege, including at least 1500 children, were laid to rest. (Photographer: Jeff Rambles, 2010.)

Cemetery Kovači in Sarajevo is one of many places where fallen defenders of Sarajevo, including 10,000 victims of the siege of Sarajevo, were laid to rest. (Photographer: Michael Büker, 2009.)

The Trnopolje concentration camp was established by Bosnian Serb military and police authorities in the village of Trnopolje near the city of Prijedor in northern Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first months of the Bosnian Genocide. The camp kept a large a number of Bosniak and Croat civilians, many of which were tortured, raped and killed.

The concentration camp operated between May and November of 1992. It was closed chiefly due to the international pressure. The total number of camp inmates reportedly varied on average between 4,000 and 7,000 people. Approximately 1,000 detainees were killed, including more than 200 civilian prisoners that were taken from the camp, brought to Koricani cliffs on Mount Vlasic, ordered to kneel and then systematically executed.

Badly emaciated, starving, ribs and bones protruding Bosniak civilians in the Trnopolje concentration camp during the Bosnian Genocide in August of 1992. (Credit: Ron Haviv. Blood and Honey.)

Bones and ribs protruding through the skin of the emaciated Bosniak civilians in the Trnopolje concentration camp in August of 1992. (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey).

In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Prijedor where the Trnopolje concentration camp was located. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi.”

Screenshot of a starving/emaciated Bosniak civilian, Fikret Alic, inside of the barbed-wired Trnopolje concentration camp near Prijedor in August of 1992. Source: ITN / Video.

Emaciated ribs of a Bosniak civilian, Fikret Alic, inside of the barbed-wired Trnopolje concentration camp near Prijedor in August of 1992. Source: ITN / Video.

A Bosniak woman and her child in the Trnopolje concentration camp in August of 1992. Women and underage girls, on some occasions even toddlers, were kept in the camp and brutally gang raped, tortured and killed by Serb forces in one of the most brutal camps used in the Bosnian Genocide. (Photographer: Patrick Robert)

Woman (left) and man (right), one of several thousand civilians imprisoned in the Trnopolje concentration camp. (Photo source: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague).

Civilian detainees in the Trnopolje concentration camp. (Photo provided by the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

After international pressure mounted, Serb authorities finally allowed British TV crews to enter the Trnopolje concentration camp in August, 1992 and record the ongoing brutality carried against the Bosniak civilians in the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide. (Photo by the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

Badly tortured prisoners were were removed from the Trnopolje concentration camp before British TV crews entered, but Dr. Idriz Merdzanic managed to smuggle some photos of brutal beatings and abuse in the camp. (Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

Badly tortured prisoners were were removed from the Trnopolje concentration camp before British TV crews entered, but Dr. Idriz Merdzanic managed to smuggle some photos of brutal beatings and abuse in the camp. (Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

This covert photograph shows Bosniak civilian from the village of Hrnici, with ribs and bones protruding through his skin, in the Trnopolje concentration camp. Badly tortured prisoners were were removed from the Trnopolje concentration camp before British TV crews entered, but Dr. Idriz Merdzanic managed to smuggle some photos of brutal beatings and abuse in the camp. (Photo courtesy: The International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague)

Dying Bosniak civilian in the Serb-run Trnopolje concentration camp near Prijedor, Bosnia, in August 1992. Photographer: Pascal Le Segretain.

The Bijeljina massacre refers to the killings of thousands of Bosniak civilians by the Serbian military and paramilitary groups, chiefly Arkan’s Tigers, during the first months of the Bosnian Genocide in 1992.

The First Day of Bosnian Genocide, 31 March 1992. Serb forces hunt down and kill Bosniak civilians in the city of Bijeljina (close to the Serbian border). (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey: A Balkan War Journal).

Arkan’s Tigers, who enjoyed full logistical and military support of Serbia’s State Security aparatus, invaded Bijeljina on 31 March 1992 during a Holy Muslim month of Ramadan. In the ensuing weeks and months, thousands of Bosniaks were persecuted, tortured, raped and killed in Bijeljina. Photographer Ron Haviv was in Biljeina to witness and take some of the iconic photos of the Serbian ethnic cleansing of Bijeljina — the brutality that became synonymous with the 1992-95 Bosnian Genocide.

Jovan Dimitrijevic, who appeared as a defense witness in Simatovic case, testified that the person kicking civilians [in the photo below ↓ ] was Srdjan Golubovic “Maks”. Dimitrijevic maintained that civilians were not alive when kicked. However, according to another Arkan member Goran Gerovac, who served in the Serbian Volunteer Guard, these civilians were still alive when they were kicked. Gerovac said Bosniak civilians were [also]  kicked by Nebojša Đorđević Šuca (who can be seen in the center of the photograph). 

The First Day of Bosnian Genocide, 31 March 1992. Serb forces hunt down and kill Bosniak civilians in the city of Bijeljina (close to the Serbian border). (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey: A Balkan War Journal). Caption for this photograph reads: Arkan’s Tigers kill and kick Bosnian Muslim civilians during the first battle for Bosnia in Bijeljina, Bosnia, March 31, 1992. The Serbian paramilitary unit was responsible for killing thousands of people during the Bosnian war, and Arkan was later indicted for war crimes.

Bijeljina Genocide: In Prosecutor v Slobodan Milosevic, the International Criminal Tribunal rejected “motion for judgment of acquittal” and concluded that Genocide occurred in seven Bosnian municipalities, including Bijeljina. On 16 June 2004, the Court ruled:

“On the basis of the inference that may be drawn from this evidence, a Trial Chamber could be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there existed a joint criminal enterprise, which included members of the Bosnian Serb leadership, whose aim and intention was to destroy a part of the Bosnian Muslim population, and that genocide was in fact committed in Brcko, Prijedor, Sanski Most, Srebrenica, Bijeljina, Kljuc and Bosanski Novi. The genocidal intent of the Bosnian Serb leadership can be inferred from all the evidence, including the evidence set out in paragraphs 238 -245. The scale and pattern of the attacks, their intensity, the substantial number of Muslims killed in the seven municipalities, the detention of Muslims, their brutal treatment in detention centres and elsewhere, and the targeting of persons essential to the survival of the Muslims as a group are all factors that point to genocide.”

The First Day of Bosnian Genocide, 31 March 1992. Serb forces hunt down and kill Bosniak civilians in the city of Bijeljina (close to the Serbian border). (Credit: Ron Haviv, Blood and Honey: A Balkan War Journal).

On 31 March 1992, Serbian paramilitary group, supplied by Serbia and led by Zeljko Raznatovic (Arkan), slaughtered hundreds of Bosniak civilians in the town of Bijeljina in northeastern Bosnia, near the border with Serbia. In the comings weeks and months, thousands of Bosniak civilians were tortured, raped, imprisoned and killed in Bijeljina. Photographer: Ron Haviv